The year 2005 holds a unique place in Ivorian political history. Mired in a political and military crisis since 2002, Côte d'Ivoire was attempting to build an electoral system capable of restoring peace through elections. Despite two successive reforms of the Independent Electoral Commission (CEI) , the country was unable to prevent the postponement of the elections, illustrating the fragility of a consensus forged under international pressure.

A crisis architecture (The July reform)

Stemming from the Linas-Marcoussis and Pretoria agreements, the 2005 CIS was conceived as a tool for compromise. The reform of July 15, 2005 (Decision No. 2005-06/PR) established an oversized Central Commission of 31 members , whose composition reflected the precarious balance of power:

1. The Institutions: 3 representatives.
2. The Administration: 4 representatives from the technical ministries.
3. The Political Class: 14 representatives of the parties.
4. The Ex-Rebellion: 6 representatives of the movements that signed the peace agreements.
5. The Judicial Branch: 4 judges and lawyers.

Decision-making power , however, remained concentrated in the hands of 22 deliberative members (political parties and the rebellion), with administrative and judicial representatives having only an advisory role. Another major innovation was the introduction of international certification under the auspices of the UN.

Territorial adjustment (The August reform)

Barely a month later, on August 29, 2005, a second reform was introduced to correct an operational imbalance. The aim was to ensure that all political viewpoints represented at the national level were also represented in the local committees. This last-minute change already highlighted the extreme difficulty of stabilizing the system as the theoretical deadline of October 30 approached.

The failure of the ballot box in the face of the partition of the country

Despite the involvement of the International Organisation of the Francophonie (OIF) and the relaxation of eligibility criteria by the Constitutional Council, the process has run up against the reality on the ground.

The conclusion is inescapable: With a country split in two and disarmament at a standstill, the presidential (October) and legislative (December) elections could not take place.

What legacy for the 2005 CIS?

Although its mandate ended without an election, the 2005 Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) left a lasting mark on the Ivorian electoral model:

1. Total inclusion: For the first time, armed movements were integrated into electoral management.
2. Comprehensive representation: The principle of a commission composed of all stakeholders has become a standard for future reforms.

It was not until 2010 that the country returned to elections, after multiple other changes to an electoral body born in the turmoil of war.